JARANGE’S POLITICS: THE CRACKS ARE SHOWING!
For the past few years, Manoj Jarange Patil has achieved what very few non-political leaders have managed in Maharashtra: he has made the Maratha reservation issue impossible for any government to ignore. From Antarwali Sarati, he has repeatedly mobilised thousands, forced governments to respond and kept reservation at the centre of Maharashtra’s political conversation. His supporters see him as the uncompromising voice of Maratha aspirations. But now an uncomfortable question needs to be asked: does Jarange really speak for every Maratha? Increasingly, the answer appears to be NO. The most interesting part of the current situation is not merely what CM Devendra Fadnavis says in Mantralaya or what politicians in Mumbai say about Jarange. The real story is the emergence of Maratha voices questioning Jarange from within the community and the wider Maratha movement itself.
Take Amol Khune. Khune is not an outsider who suddenly discovered the reservation issue. He has been associated with the Maratha movement and has now become an outspoken critic of Jarange. He has questioned Jarange’s decisions and the manner in which the agitation is being conducted, while making serious allegations concerning Jarange and people around him. Those allegations remain allegations and require investigation and evidence. But politically, the larger point is impossible to ignore: someone from within the Maratha movement is now willing to say, “I don’t agree with Jarange.” Khune has also publicly questioned whether the agitation is connected to cancelled tenders and demanded an SIT/ED inquiry — claims that Jarange and his associates would be entitled to answer.
Then there is Ajay Maharaj Baraskar, another former associate who has become one of Jarange’s most vocal critics. Baraskar has questioned Jarange’s decisions, methods and the direction of the agitation, while raising questions about people associated with the movement. Again, allegations cannot be treated as facts without due process. But when people who were once close to a movement begin publicly questioning its leadership, it tells us that something has changed.
Then comes Sanjay Lakhepatil, another important voice from the Maratha activist space. Lakhepatil has not abandoned the reservation cause; his position is more nuanced. He has questioned how Kunbi certificates and Maratha identity should be handled and criticised Jarange’s repeated attacks on Eknath Shinde, arguing that Shinde’s tenure saw Marathas with appropriate records obtain Kunbi certificates. On September 4, Lakhepatil was publicly critical of both Jarange and the government’s handling of the issue. The message is clear: there isn’t one single Maratha script anymore. Some Marathas support Jarange completely. Some support reservation but disagree with his methods. Others believe the legal and administrative battle should take a different route. And now political YouTubers have entered the conversation. Channels such as Analyser News, associated with journalist and commentator Sushil Kulkarni, have begun putting out videos examining opposition to Jarange from within the Maratha community.
But now comes the latest and perhaps most politically significant development. On September 7, 2026, the Fadnavis government issued 4 Government Resolutions (GR) extending a substantial package of educational, financial and skill-development measures to students and youth from the Maratha, Kunbi and SEBC communities. From the academic year 2026-27, Maratha students will receive the same concessions, scholarships and facilities in technical education and universities available to OBC students. The government has also released ₹200 crore towards pending Dr. Punjabrao Deshmukh hostel maintenance allowances for EBC, EWS and SEBC students — a measure aimed at providing immediate financial relief to students, particularly those from rural and modest backgrounds. The SARTHI foreign scholarship scheme has also been revised. For deserving students, that can mean access to global education that would otherwise remain financially out of reach. Then there is employment. From October 1, free LMV and HMV driving and conductor training will be provided to 1,440 Maratha and Kunbi youth, with a target of placing at least 1,000 in employment or self-employment. And on the Kunbi-record issue, approximately 58 lakh records identified by the Justice Shinde Committee are to be displayed at gram panchayats, with special certificate camps scheduled from September 10 to 17. If implemented effectively, this could make the process of obtaining certificates easier for eligible people and bring greater transparency to the exercise. Taken together, these measures represent a significant attempt by the Fadnavis government to address the Maratha community’s concerns through education, financial assistance, global scholarships, skills and livelihood opportunities, while the larger reservation question remains subject to legal and constitutional complexities.
And this is where politics becomes interesting. For years, Jarange’s greatest political strength has been his ability to force governments to act. But when a government begins putting tangible measures on the table, the political question changes. It does not mean the reservation demand has disappeared. It has not. Nor do these decisions automatically satisfy every Maratha. They don’t. But they do make the old narrative of simply “Jarange versus an inactive government” harder to sustain. The politics is becoming much more complicated as political YouTubers are amplifying that dissent, and the government is responding with concrete welfare measures. That does not mean Jarange has lost his support. He clearly has not. His ability to mobilise remains significant. But support is not the same as a monopoly on representation. Who gave Jarange the mandate to speak for every Maratha? Nobody elected one individual as the permanent spokesperson of a community of millions. A movement can have a face; an agitation can have a leader; but a community cannot be reduced to one man’s voice. Marathas are farmers, students, professionals, businessmen, workers and young people with very different concerns. Some may support Jarange completely. Some may support only the reservation demand. Some may support the government’s welfare measures but still demand reservation. Some may oppose his methods. And some are now saying openly that they do not agree with him. Their voices deserve to be heard too. Jarange has every democratic right to fight for what he believes is justice for Marathas. His supporters have every right to stand behind him. But leadership is not only about having thousands behind you; it is also about having the confidence to listen when people beside you say, “I disagree.” The reservation issue is too important, the constitutional questions are too serious and Maharashtra’s social balance is too delicate for the entire debate to become a personality contest. Jarange now needs to revisit some of his thinking, listen beyond his immediate circle and understand that criticism of his methods is not criticism of the Maratha community. And yes, I will say this bluntly: perhaps it is time he stopped listening only to his “MASTERS” and started listening to the people he claims to represent.
The real test of Jarange’s leadership is no longer whether he can bring the government to the negotiating table. It is whether he can bring different voices within his own community to the same table. Can he accept that some Marathas will disagree with him? Can he separate criticism of his leadership from criticism of the Maratha cause? Can he fight for reservation without turning every disagreement into another confrontation? And can he recognise that Maharashtra’s future cannot be built by one community believing that its justice requires another community to feel insecure? These are questions Jarange will increasingly have to answer. Because the political landscape around him is changing — Maratha activists are speaking up, OBC leaders are pushing back, the government is putting concrete welfare measures into action, and political YouTubers are amplifying dissent to an audience far beyond the traditional political class. Jarange may still commands some support. But some support is not the same thing as unquestioned authority. The cracks are showing. But cracks do not repair themselves, and they are not repaired by the man who caused them. So the last question is not for Manoj Jarange. It is for the Maratha community itself. For years, you have asked governments what they stand for. Perhaps it is time to answer that question yourselves. What do you stand for? Reservation, certainly. But what else? A politics of dignity, or a politics of fear? A leader who listens, or one who demands silence? A future your children can argue with, or one they must simply obey? Jarange could be one chapter of your story, not the book. A community is not judged by the loudest voice it produces, but by the voices it is willing to hear and accommodate. Come forward. Say what you stand for. Maharashtra is no longer watching only him. It is watching you.
Vikrant Meena Hemant Joshi.
